Do we have friends in Asia? Why revitalizing our Asian alliances is key to dealing with China

In part 3 of the series: Presidential leadership, peace through strength, and working with allies with the caveat that the U.S. will sometimes act independently when it is in our Nation’s interests.

By Morgan Ortagus

Asian Alliances and American Interests

America’s strong alliance with Japan and South Korea and its large military presence in the Asia-Pacific region have kept the peace and promoted stability in this region since the end of World War II. Out of the ashes of that terrible war, Japan has become one of America’s closest and most trusted allies.

America’s relationship with South Korea is just as strong and has ensured deterrence along the Korean DMZ for the past 70 years. America’s strong support of Taiwan, coupled with its policy of “strategic ambiguity,” has prevented war with Communist China and helped safeguard the island republic’s freedom and security.

In recent years, the term “Asia-Pacific” has been replaced by some national security experts with the term “Indo-Pacific.” This is because of the growing threat posed by China both to Asia-Pacific nations and to India. Growing Chinese aggression against Taiwan, in the South China Sea, and along the India-China border has led regional states to pursue joint strategies to defend against China, such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), discussed later in this chapter.

Maintaining and strengthening America’s alliance with its Asian allies is crucial in light of growing threats in the region, not just from China but also from North Korea and Russia. Too often, American presidents become so distracted by conflicts in other areas of the world, especially the Middle East, that they neglect the security concerns of their Asian allies. This was true of the Obama Administration, which claimed it would “pivot to Asia” to deal with growing threats from Beijing. Instead, Obama and his team became obsessed with striking the disastrous 2015 nuclear deal with Iran.

The Biden Administration has continued along this dangerous path. Without question, President Biden’s weak foreign policy and his disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan emboldened China to step up its provocations against Taiwan and in the South China Sea. North Korea’s significant expansion of its missile program since 2021, along with possible preparations for a seventh underground nuclear test, has seen no real policy response from the Biden Administration. This has been driven by the president naming a part-time North Korean special envoy and a failure of top Biden officials to attempt bilateral diplomacy with their North Korean counterparts.

The Biden Administration’s weak Asian foreign policy has also led to joint Russia-Chinese naval and air exercises in the region and a new Russia-China axis that has been augmented by North Korea and Iran.

As part of this budding relationship, North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Vladivostok in 2023. During the visit, Kim reportedly agreed to provide Putin with additional weapons for the war in Ukraine. In turn, Putin reportedly offered Kim satellite and missile technologies.

On January 12, 2023, President Biden met with South Korea’s President Yoon Suk Yeol and held a summit at Camp David in August 2023 with leaders from Japan and South Korea. The parties agreed to work closer together in response to concerns about China and instability in Asia. Although Biden deserves credit for these efforts, it is fair to say the meetings were a response to his administration’s neglect toward our Asian allies and their worries about whether the United States would support them against China and North Korea.

President Yoon triggered the administration's alarm with his statement on January 12, 2023 about the possibility of South Korea developing its own nuclear weapons or asking the United States to redeploy tactical nuclear missiles to South Korea in response to North Korea’s threats. Yoon’s comments caused panic in Biden’s national security team and led to a crash program to repair U.S. relations with South Korea and Japan, culminating with the Biden-Yoon summit and the Camp David summit.

In September 2021, the leaders of Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States announced the creation of an enhanced trilateral security partnership called "AUKUS." This new alliance is intended to assist Australia in acquiring nuclear-powered submarines and establishing a new cooperation between the three states to counter increased threats from China in the region, especially in the South China Sea. The AUKUS agreement also includes cooperation in countering cyber warfare, threats from artificial intelligence, undersea capabilities, hypersonic and counter-hypersonic, electronic warfare, innovation. and information sharing.

The AUKUS agreement is one of the Biden Administration’s few foreign policy achievements and should be continued and developed by future administrations. However, there was a pall over the launch of the new alliance because French officials protested getting blindsided by the agreement, which coincided with Australia cancelling a 50 billion euro deal to buy diesel-powered submarines from France.

After the AUKUS agreement was announced, French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian said, “There was lying, there was duplicity, there was a major breach of trust.” France also recalled its ambassadors to Canberra and Washington in response to the agreement.

The Biden Administration acknowledged its mistakes in how it handled the AUKUS agreement with France and began a process of “in-depth consultations to repair relations. Although U.S.-France relations recovered, the poor communication was an unforced error by the Biden national security team.

Building and maintaining strong security alliances is vital for an America First foreign policy. The Biden Administration’s poor handling of security in Asia has made the United States and the world less safe. A successful policy would avoid war by working with allies to keep peace and avoid dragging U.S. troops into unnecessary conflicts. But weak, incompetent policies such as those of the Biden Administration in the Asia-Pacific could lead to unwanted military conflicts involving U.S. forces. Peace through strength works. Ignoring allies does not.

How President Trump Revitalized America’s Asian Alliances

In the Indo-Pacific region, the Trump Administration recognized the strategic importance of strong alliances in maintaining regional stability and deterring would-be adversaries. One of the cornerstones of the administration’s strategy in Asia was deepening the U.S.-Japan alliance, a vital partnership for regional security and stability. Through a series of defense agreements and joint military exercises, the administration enhanced the interoperability and readiness of U.S. and Japanese forces, strengthening our deterrence against China’s People’s Liberation Army.14

President Trump set the stage for his America First approach to trade and America’s relationship with Asian states in a 2017 speech to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC). He said the United States would no longer tolerate "chronic trade abuses" and in trade relationships – he would put America first.

In his speech to APEC, Trump criticized the World Trade Organization for not enforcing trade rules and said trade imbalances with the U.S. had cost millions of American jobs. Trump said America was ready to make bilateral trade agreements with "any Indo-Pacific partner here who abides by fair reciprocal trade," but only "on a basis of mutual respect and mutual benefit.”15

During Trump’s tenure, Japan increased its defense spending, with commitments to enhance its defense capabilities through increased purchases of U.S.-made military equipment.16 Japan pledged to invest over $240 billion in defense capabilities by 2024. This substantial boost in defense investment underscored Japan’s commitment to enhancing its military capabilities and contributing more effectively to regional security efforts.17

Trump’s approach was to encourage our Asian allies to assume a greater share of the burden in addressing common security challenges, including responses to North Korea’s nuclear program and China’s aggression in the South China Sea. Our allies pursued diplomatic engagement with Pyongyang and emphasized denuclearization, as well as pursuing the issue of abducted Japanese citizens. There also was close collaboration on North Korean policy.18

America was blessed to have now-Senator Bill Hagerty (R-TN) as ambassador to Japan from 2017-2019. He was a first-rate diplomat who negotiated one of the only bilateral free-trade agreements in the Trump Administration. Hagerty also renegotiated the U.S. military presence in Japan. The alliance and partnership with Japan should be at the top of the new administration’s global priorities. The next ambassador to Japan will be a crucial appointment.

President Trump’s North Korea policy, especially his personal diplomacy with Kim Jong Un, is a case study of how an America First foreign policy can work. The president was clear in 2017 that the United States would not tolerate growing missile and nuclear threats from North Korea. In a landmark speech to the U.N. General Assembly in September 2017, Trump said, “The United States has great strength and patience, but if it is forced to defend itself or its allies, we will have no choice but to totally destroy North Korea.”

Trump’s tough rhetoric, sanctions, and policies against North Korea in 2017 led Kim to agree to diplomacy with the United States, including a summit with the president in Singapore in June 2018. Although the United States worked closely with Japan and South Korea in its approach to North Korea, the Trump Administration did not give either state a veto over America’s North Korea policy. Specifically, the United States listened to South Korean President Moon Jae-in but took a much harder line against Pyongyang than Moon wanted. The United States also deliberately excluded Moon from the Singapore Summit because he was too willing to make concessions to North Korea.

This is an America First foreign policy in action: American strength, presidential leadership, peace through strength, and working with allies with the caveat that the United States will sometimes act independently when it is in our Nation’s interest.

The Trump Administration focused not only on security but also on building economic ties with Asia. U.S. negotiators made deals with Japan and South Korea to make trade fairer and more reciprocal.19 In 2019, the United States and Japan signed two agreements. One was the U.S.-Japan Trade Agreement, which reduced tariffs on $7.2 billion of U.S. farm products. The other was the U.S.-Japan Digital Trade Agreement, which set high standards for digital trade, such as allowing data to move freely across borders and ensuring privacy and security online. Both agreements started on January 1, 2020.20

Similarly, the U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement was renegotiated to improve market access for American agricultural products and reduce non-tariff barriers to trade.21

The Trump Administration worked to boost investments between the United States and Asian nations, which led to more jobs and growth. It launched efforts like the Indo-Pacific Economic Vision to improve infrastructure, internet connections, and energy projects across the region. Investments from Japan and South Korea in the United States hit all-time highs, benefiting both countries’ economies.22

President Trump’s personal rapport with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe played a crucial role in strengthening bilateral relations and advancing shared strategic objectives. Abe served the Japanese people admirably before his tragic death in 2022 by an assassin’s bullet. Through frequent meetings and high-level dialogues, the administration reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to its Asian allies and underscored the importance of the U.S.-Japan alliance for regional stability.23 Active engagement with Japan, coupled with similar efforts across the region, demonstrated the administration’s commitment to promoting U.S. interests while fostering greater security and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific.

By prioritizing security cooperation, economic engagement, and diplomatic leadership, the Trump Administration laid the groundwork for a more secure, prosperous, and interconnected Asia-Pacific region. As the United States continues to navigate the complex challenges and opportunities in Asia, the legacy of the Trump Administration’s efforts to fortify alliances and deepen partnerships will endure, shaping the future of regional security and prosperity.

The Trump Administration helped revitalize the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, known better as “the Quad,” which is a partnership between the United States, Japan, Australia, and India. The four wanted to work more closely to address security concerns and keep the Indo-Pacific area stable and open.24

The truth is that President Trump’s leadership resurrected the Quad, which had died during the Obama Administration. Countries saw a marked increase in diplomatic engagement and military cooperation during Trump’s tenure. High-level meetings among Quad members became more frequent, signaling a commitment to better dialogue and coordination. In addition, joint military exercises, such as the Malabar naval exercises, saw increased participation and complexity, symbolizing a deepening of military collaboration within the Quad framework.25

Americans often take the status quo for granted. We assume goods can be freely transported on ships, fishing vessels can freely operate in international waters, and civilian aircraft can fly in international airspace without interference. China’s nefarious plans and activities imperil each of these freedoms and could derail the entire global economy.

That is why the Quad’s attention and strategy aims to uphold freedom of navigation, overflight, and adherence to international law in the region, countering China’s maritime claims and activities.26

Moreover, China, through its Belt and Road Initiative, bribes and coaxes corrupt officials in the Asia-Pacific and other regions with deals that can be used to install Chinese military infrastructure and spyware within what appear to be civilian projects.27 Worse, these countries are often unable to make the projects profitable, saddling them with debt that binds them to Beijing’s whims. The United States should explore and advance alternatives to China’s Belt and Road Initiative with transparent and sustainable infrastructure investments in the region. We do not need to give handouts to compete with China. Instead, we should leverage smart financing options so countries can remain free and independent.

At the same time, the Trump Administration focused on better intelligence sharing with the “Five Eyes” alliance, which includes the United States, UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The goal was to improve how these countries share intelligence to face new threats, especially in cyberspace and from terror-sponsoring countries such as Iran.

The Trump Administration also worked to bolster cybersecurity within the Five Eyes to guard against cyber attacks from other countries, terrorist groups, and the pernicious influence of Chinese technology.28 Together, these initiatives reinforced the administration’s commitment to strengthening Asian alliances and countering China and other transnational threats.29 To that end, the Trump Administration led efforts to stymie the reach of Chinese tech companies, notably Huawei and ZTE, within Five Eyes countries. Recognizing the national security risks posed by those companies, the administration advocated restrictions on their participation in critical infrastructure projects, especially burgeoning 5G networks.30 By prioritizing cybersecurity and countering Chinese technological influence, the Trump Administration reaffirmed its commitment to protecting American interests and safeguarding the integrity of the Five Eyes alliance.

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