What a Return to ‘America First’ Means for the Indo-Pacific

Asian leaders are asking what a return to America First would mean for the region. As I meet with officials in Seoul and Tokyo, I explore why Peace Through Strength best advances regional security.

Allies in Tokyo, Seoul, and across the Indo-Pacific are naturally curious what change in the White House would mean for their region.  Strategic unpredictability was a hallmark of President Trump’s national security policy and forced our adversaries to tread carefully.  They should understand that a return to ‘America First’ means a return to principles of ‘Peace through Strength’ that will strengthen our alliances and deter Chinese aggression.

Conservative ‘America First’ leaders recognize that U.S. alliances with Japan, South Korea, and others in the Indo-Pacific have kept the peace and promoted stability and prosperity in Asia since the end of World War II.  Out of the ashes of that war, Japan has become one of our closest and most trusted allies.  America’s relationship with South Korea is equally strong and has successfully deterred North Korean advances across the DMZ for over 70 years.  Our support for Taiwan’s security and democracy has helped maintain the island’s freedom in the face of the CCP’s threats.  These are accomplishments that ‘America First’ leaders cherish and are determined to advance.

U.S. foreign policy requires regular resets to maintain focus on the needs of the American people.  Our strategy in the Indo-Pacific must be no different, first prioritizing U.S. interests and America’s global position.  Our allies and partners must step up, and so many are heeding that call. Our collective power in the region rests in our partnerships.  We understand that the West’s security needs cannot not be met by the United States alone; they will require our Asian allies to increase their defense spending.  We will strengthen relationships so they are strong enough to have frank conversations about reciprocity and burden sharing.  And naturally, the United States will ask for more favorable market conditions and trade relationships so our economy can support our leadership role. 

The Biden-Harris Administration undercut many Trump-era policies for the region by cutting important initiatives, such as funding for the Pacific Deterrence Initiative and delaying military aid to Taiwan. Republicans should build on the progress made in agreements like AUKUS – this time actually matching Biden’s pledges with actual shipbuilding dollars.  A return to ‘America First’ policies would aim to finish what President Trump started in his first term: ensuring deterrence across in the Taiwan Strait and maintaining stability on the Korean peninsula.

Most importantly, a return to ‘America First’ policies would bring an end to the most disastrous consequence of the Biden-Harris foreign policy: the collapse of deterrence around the world.  In both Ukraine and Israel, Washington’s appeasement of Russia and Iran set the conditions for war by signaling perpetual fear of escalation. Worse, the Biden-Harris Administration helped bankroll the Russian and Iranian war machines by refusing to enforce or advance sanctions.  America cannot afford a three-peat of this failure with China over Taiwan.  ‘America First’ policies seek to restore U.S. credibility damaged by the shameful Afghanistan withdrawal.  As we learned in the first Trump term, when he makes a threat, our enemies will take that seriously. 

‘America First’ does not mean America Alone; it means leading from the front with bold and creative diplomacy to advance our interests and those of our allies and partners.  The Trump Administration revitalized the Quad and deepened bilateral relations across the region.  It enhanced ties with Japan through defense agreements and joint military exercises–measures that enhanced the interoperability and readiness of our forces against the People’s Liberation Army.  The Trump Administration was thrilled when Japan increased its defense spending through its commitments to purchase U.S. military equipment and invest over $240 billion in defense capabilities.  

Republican leaders should also highlight energy security as an area of greater collaboration.  90 percent of critical minerals and metals are processed in China – which is also the leading producer of 24 of the 36 critical minerals that pose risks to the U.S. supply chain.  The implications of Chinese export restrictions would be dire for America’s economy and our military platforms, many of which require tons of rare earths and critical minerals sourced from China.   To prevent Beijing’s mineral extortion, the United States should work with trusted allies across the Indo-Pacific to strengthen supply chain security and prevent dependence on a hostile power.  

Bilateral mineral, mining, and processing agreements with allies from Japan to Indonesia would be a good start, and there should be a greater on fostering support for joint ventures and expanded mining operations in resource-rich countries.  Creating a cooperative framework for mineral exploration and processing could go a long way to fuel innovation, driving down costs, and increasing resource pooling and technology sharing.  While there has been bipartisan recognition of the severity of these issues over the past several years, the next administration should prioritize energy security over illusory, contradictory, and self-defeating climate goals, such as former U.S. Climate Envoy John Kerry’s misguided efforts to protect the Chinese solar industry from sanctions.

Another area where a Trump Administration is interested in collaboration is shipbuilding and naval maintenance, a precondition to meeting the PLA’s maritime threats and protecting free navigation in the Pacific.  With Beijing’s aggression and military resources on the seas rising, Washington urgently needs to make investments to modernize and grow our Naval fleet, but America lacks the shipbuilding industrial base to support it.

Partnerships with leading shipbuilders like South Korea could go a long way in addressing these strains, bridging U.S. production challenges with increased capacity.  Many ships do not require advanced specifications.  As Ambassador Rahm Emanuel has proposed, we should amend U.S. acquisition policies to allow key allies to participate in shipbuilding, co-production, and scheduled maintenance for manned and unmanned vessels.  By leveraging allied shipbuilding capacities, the United States can enhance production capabilities and reduce costs and delivery waits–all while fostering a more integrated maritime defense posture.

Do not listen to the fearmongers. Experience shows that a return to America First policies would be the greatest guarantor of security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific.  A prompt return to Peace Through Strength would strengthen our alliances and keep the long peace that America and our allies have worked so hard to maintain.

Morgan D. Ortagus is a veteran of three Presidential Administrations and was most recently the U.S. Department of State Spokesperson from 2019-2021. She is also the founder of Polaris National Security, a non-profit dedicated to promoting American national security interests.